分科測驗英文模擬試題 Mock-2
適用對象：高中三年級，目標分科測驗之學生 難度等級：標準分科等級（Standard AST Level） 測驗時間：80 分鐘 總分：100 分 命題老師：威威老師
考試說明
本試卷依據大學入學考試中心「分科測驗英文科」考試規範設計。Mock-2 延續標準分科難度，新增不同主題領域的學術文章，涵蓋數位隱私、基因工程、太空探索等重要議題。請務必在 80 分鐘內完成所有題目。
答題注意事項：
- 所有選擇題皆為單選題，請選出最適當的答案
- 請在答案卡上以 2B 鉛筆劃記
- 遇到難題不要卡住，先標記後跳過，全部做完再回來檢查
一、詞彙題（Vocabulary）
說明：第 1 至 10 題，每題選出最適合填入空格的單字或片語。每題 2 分，共 20 分。
1. The new trade agreement was designed to ______ economic cooperation between the two nations, but critics argue it disproportionately benefits multinational corporations at the expense of small businesses.
(A) facilitate (B) obstruct (C) invalidate (D) terminate
2. The experimental results were deemed ______ due to a fundamental flaw in the research methodology that the peer reviewers had initially overlooked.
(A) conclusive (B) inconclusive (C) intrusive (D) inclusive
3. Her ______ understanding of molecular biology allowed her to identify connections between seemingly unrelated phenomena that more specialized researchers had failed to notice.
(A) superficial (B) rudimentary (C) interdisciplinary (D) fragmented
4. The journalist’s exposé ______ a network of corruption that extended from local government officials to prominent business leaders, triggering a nationwide scandal.
(A) concealed (B) fabricated (C) unraveled (D) suppressed
5. In philosophical discourse, the concept of free will has long been considered ______ with determinism; reconciling the two remains one of the most persistent problems in metaphysics.
(A) compatible (B) incompatible (C) synonymous (D) analogous
6. The company’s rapid expansion into international markets was ______ by a series of strategic acquisitions that gave it access to established distribution networks and local expertise.
(A) hindered (B) propelled (C) neutralized (D) stagnated
7. The historian cautioned against the ______ of viewing past events through the lens of contemporary values, a methodological error that distorts our understanding of historical actors’ motivations.
(A) anachronism (B) chronology (C) synchronism (D) paradigm
8. The patient’s symptoms were so ______ that doctors initially struggled to arrive at a definitive diagnosis, ordering a battery of tests to rule out various possibilities.
(A) specific (B) conspicuous (C) ambiguous (D) definitive
9. The constitutional amendment was designed to ______ individual liberties against potential government overreach, establishing clear limits on executive authority.
(A) jeopardize (B) undermine (C) infringe (D) safeguard
10. The theory, though elegant in its mathematical formulation, was ultimately ______ by empirical data that contradicted its core predictions.
(A) validated (B) corroborated (C) substantiated (D) refuted
二、綜合測驗（Cloze）
說明：第 11 至 20 題，請依據下文文意選出最適合填入空格的選項。每題 2 分，共 20 分。
The relationship between socioeconomic status and health outcomes has been one of the most robust and consistently replicated findings in public health research. Across (11) every measure of health — from life expectancy to the prevalence of chronic disease — individuals of lower socioeconomic status fare worse than their more affluent counterparts. This gradient is not merely a matter of the poor being sick and everyone else being well; rather, health improves at every step up the socioeconomic (12), a phenomenon known as the “social gradient in health.”
Explanations for this gradient fall broadly into two categories. The materialist explanation emphasizes the (13) of material resources — nutritious food, safe housing, access to quality medical care — that are differentially available across the socioeconomic spectrum. The psychosocial explanation, (14), focuses on the subjective experience of inequality: the chronic stress, diminished sense of control, and erosion of social cohesion that accompany low social status.
The evidence suggests that both mechanisms are at work, but their relative contributions remain a matter of (15) debate. Longitudinal studies have shown that income inequality within a society is a stronger predictor of population health than absolute levels of wealth, lending weight to the psychosocial account. (16), the protective effects of universal healthcare systems in mitigating the gradient suggest that material access plays a substantial role.
One of the most striking findings in this literature (17) the effects of early childhood adversity on lifelong health. Children who experience poverty, abuse, or neglect exhibit elevated levels of inflammatory markers and stress hormones (18) persist into adulthood, increasing their risk for a wide range of diseases decades later. The biological pathways through which social experience becomes (19) into physiological dysfunction — what researchers call “embodiment” — represent one of the most active frontiers in contemporary epidemiology.
Addressing the social gradient in health will (20) require interventions that extend far beyond the healthcare system. Policies affecting education, housing, labor markets, and social welfare may ultimately prove to be the most powerful tools for improving population health.
11. (A) virtually (B) scarcely (C) partially (D) selectively
12. (A) decline (B) ladder (C) obstacle (D) barrier
13. (A) abundance (B) surplus (C) scarcity (D) distribution
14. (A) by contrast (B) in addition (C) for instance (D) as a result
15. (A) trivial (B) settled (C) ongoing (D) concluded
16. (A) Nevertheless (B) Conversely (C) Consequently (D) Furthermore
17. (A) concerns (B) dismisses (C) contradicts (D) exaggerates
18. (A) what (B) that (C) who (D) where
19. (A) translated (B) prevented (C) excluded (D) isolated
20. (A) inevitably (B) improbably (C) inadvertently (D) artificially
三、文意選填（Contextual Fill-in）
說明：第 21 至 30 題，請從下方 12 個選項中選出最適合填入文章中 10 個空格的單字。每題 2 分，共 20 分。
| (A) exponential | (B) unprecedented | (C) constraints | (D) speculation |
|---|---|---|---|
| (E) habitable | (F) proponents | (G) feasibility | (H) colonization |
| (I) propulsion | (J) sustained | (K) advocates | (L) logistical |
Note: Two of the above options are distractors and will NOT be used.
The prospect of establishing permanent human settlements beyond Earth has long fired the human imagination, but recent technological advances have moved the discussion from the realm of science fiction toward serious policy and engineering debate. The (21) of Mars, in particular, has attracted growing attention from both government space agencies and private enterprises, with some (22) arguing that a self-sustaining Martian colony could be established within the next three decades.
The technical challenges, however, remain formidable. Chief among these is the problem of (23): current chemical rockets are too slow and fuel-inefficient for regular transport between Earth and Mars, and the long transit times expose astronauts to dangerous levels of cosmic radiation. Developing more advanced (24) systems — such as nuclear thermal rockets or ion drives — is essential if interplanetary travel is to become routine rather than exceptional.
Equally daunting are the (25) challenges of sustaining a colony on a planet with no breathable atmosphere, no liquid surface water, and temperatures that average minus 60 degrees Celsius. Every essential resource — oxygen, water, food, construction materials — would need to be either transported from Earth at (26) cost or produced in situ using technologies that remain largely experimental. The notion of terraforming — transforming Mars into an Earth-like, (27) planet — remains a distant and highly (28) prospect, requiring technologies and energy sources far beyond current human capabilities.
The scientific case for Mars exploration is more immediately compelling than the colonization argument. A (29) program of robotic and eventually human exploration could yield answers to fundamental questions about the history of the solar system, the origins of life, and the geological processes that shape planetary environments. The discovery of even microbial life on Mars would be one of the most profound scientific findings in human history, transforming our understanding of our place in the cosmos.
Ultimately, the debate over Mars (30) reflects deeper questions about human priorities. In an era of climate change, resource depletion, and persistent global poverty, should vast sums be invested in off-world expansion, or should those resources be directed toward addressing pressing challenges on our home planet? The answer is not self-evident, and resolving it will require a public conversation as wide-ranging as the ambition that drives our reach for the stars.
四、篇章結構（Text Organization）
說明：第 31 至 35 題，請從下方 6 個句子中選出最適合填入文章中標示(31)至(35)處的選項。每題 2 分，共 10 分。
| (A) The replication crisis has important implications for how scientific research is taught, funded, and communicated to the public. |
|---|
| (B) This practice, while sometimes justified by the desire to produce clear, publishable results, fundamentally distorts the scientific record. |
| (C) The crisis has been particularly acute in psychology, where attempts to replicate classic experiments have failed at alarmingly high rates. |
| (D) At its core, the crisis reflects a misalignment between the incentives that govern scientific careers and the values that science is supposed to embody. |
| (E) Some scholars have argued that the term “crisis” is itself an overstatement and that replication failures are a normal, even healthy, part of the scientific process. |
| (F) The replication crisis refers to the growing recognition that a substantial proportion of published scientific findings cannot be reproduced when independent researchers attempt to replicate the original studies. |
The replication crisis has emerged as one of the most consequential developments in contemporary science, calling into question the reliability of findings across fields ranging from psychology and medicine to economics and neuroscience. (31)
The scope of the problem became apparent through a series of large-scale replication projects. (32) The Reproducibility Project, a landmark effort to replicate 100 psychology studies published in top journals, found that only 36% of the replications produced statistically significant results — a fraction of what would be expected if the original findings were all robust.
Investigations into the causes of the replication crisis have identified a cluster of problematic research practices. These include “p-hacking” — the practice of conducting multiple analyses and selectively reporting only those that yield statistically significant results — and the tendency for journals to preferentially publish positive findings while relegating null results to the file drawer. (33)
(34) Scientists are rewarded for producing novel, striking, and statistically significant results, not for conducting careful replications or reporting null findings. Until the incentive structure of science is reformed, the replication crisis is likely to persist regardless of methodological improvements.
(35) If scientific findings cannot be trusted, public confidence in science erodes, with potentially severe consequences for evidence-based policymaking in areas such as public health, environmental protection, and education.
The response to the replication crisis has been multifaceted. Journals have adopted registered reports and open data requirements; funding agencies have begun to support replication studies; and universities are increasingly emphasizing methodological rigor over publication volume in hiring and promotion decisions. Whether these reforms will be sufficient to restore the credibility of the scientific enterprise remains an open — and deeply important — question.
31-35 answer format: 31. ( ) 32. ( ) 33. ( ) 34. ( ) 35. ( )
五、閱讀測驗（Reading Comprehension）
說明：第 36 至 55 題，共 5 篇文章，每篇 4 題。請根據文章內容選出最適合的答案。每題 2 分，共 40 分。
Passage 1: The Digital Privacy Paradox
In an age of ubiquitous data collection, a curious disconnect has emerged between what individuals say about privacy and how they actually behave. Survey after survey finds that overwhelming majorities of internet users express serious concern about the collection and use of their personal data. Yet these same individuals routinely click “I agree” to lengthy terms-of-service agreements they have not read, share intimate details of their lives on social media platforms, and trade personal information for trivial discounts or conveniences. This gap between expressed attitudes and actual behavior has been termed the “privacy paradox.”
Scholars have proposed several explanations for this discrepancy. One prominent account emphasizes cognitive limitations: individuals simply cannot process the sheer volume of information required to make informed privacy decisions. The average person would need to spend hundreds of hours per year reading privacy policies to understand how their data is being used — an entirely unrealistic burden. Faced with this cognitive overload, people rationally disengage, resorting to heuristics and defaults that often work against their stated preferences.
A second explanation points to the structural features of the digital economy. In many cases, individuals face a “take-it-or-leave-it” choice: either accept comprehensive data collection or forgo access to essential services. When a service is genuinely important — email, mapping, messaging — the decision to trade privacy for functionality ceases to be a genuine choice at all. The architecture of the digital environment, not individual indifference, drives privacy-compromising behavior.
A third perspective shifts the focus from individual decision-making to the collective nature of privacy harms. An individual’s decision to share data may have consequences not only for themselves but for others who share similar characteristics. For instance, when some users agree to facial recognition technology, the resulting databases can be used to identify individuals who never consented. Privacy, on this view, exhibits features of a public good — its protection requires collective action that market mechanisms alone cannot provide.
The policy implications of these competing explanations are significant. If the problem is primarily cognitive, the solution lies in better disclosures and digital literacy education. If it is structural, regulatory interventions that limit what companies can collect and how they can use data are needed. And if it is collective, privacy protection may require a rights-based framework that treats personal data as something that cannot simply be traded away through individual consent.
36. According to the passage, the “privacy paradox” refers to:
(A) the contradiction between expressed privacy concerns and actual online behavior. (B) the difficulty companies face in collecting user data despite technological advances. (C) the paradox that privacy laws protect data but not people. (D) the inconsistency between different countries’ privacy regulations.
37. Which of the following is NOT mentioned as an explanation for the privacy paradox?
(A) Cognitive limitations that prevent people from processing privacy information. (B) Structural features of the digital economy that force acceptance of data collection. (C) The collective nature of privacy harms that individual consent cannot address. (D) The lack of interest among younger generations in privacy protection.
38. The passage uses facial recognition technology as an example of:
(A) a service that depends on extensive data collection to function properly. (B) a technology whose harms extend beyond individual consent to affect non-consenting individuals. (C) an innovation that has been successfully regulated through market mechanisms. (D) a privacy-protective technology that individuals should embrace more widely.
39. The author’s primary purpose in discussing the policy implications of different explanations is to:
(A) argue that digital literacy education is the only effective solution. (B) demonstrate that different diagnoses of the problem lead to different policy prescriptions. (C) prove that all proposed solutions to the privacy paradox are fundamentally flawed. (D) recommend a specific regulatory approach based on the collective nature of privacy.
Passage 2: CRISPR and the Future of Genetic Engineering
The development of CRISPR-Cas9 gene-editing technology has been widely hailed as one of the most significant scientific breakthroughs of the twenty-first century. By allowing researchers to modify DNA sequences with unprecedented precision, speed, and affordability, CRISPR has opened new frontiers in basic biological research, agricultural biotechnology, and, most controversially, human medicine. The technology’s potential to correct genetic mutations responsible for devastating diseases such as cystic fibrosis, Huntington’s disease, and certain forms of cancer has generated both immense hope and profound ethical concern.
The controversy over CRISPR crystallized in November 2018, when Chinese scientist He Jiankui announced that he had used the technology to edit the genes of twin embryos to confer resistance to HIV — the first documented case of human germline editing. The global scientific community reacted with near-universal condemnation, not because of the technology’s failure, but because of what many viewed as a reckless disregard for established ethical norms and the unknown long-term consequences of permanent genetic modifications that would be passed down to future generations.
The ethical debate over human gene editing typically distinguishes between somatic and germline modifications. Somatic editing affects only the individual patient, targeting cells whose genetic changes will not be inherited. This form of gene therapy is broadly accepted, subject to the same safety and efficacy standards that govern other medical interventions. Germline editing, by contrast, modifies eggs, sperm, or embryos in ways that will be transmitted to all subsequent generations, raising the prospect of permanent changes to the human gene pool.
Supporters of germline editing argue that it represents a moral imperative when it offers the only means of preventing severe genetic diseases. If we have the capacity to spare future generations from devastating conditions, they contend, we have an obligation to use it. Critics counter that the technology’s risks are not yet sufficiently understood; that it could exacerbate social inequality by creating genetic “haves” and “have-nots”; and that it opens a door to non-therapeutic enhancements — the specter of “designer babies” whose traits are selected according to parental preference rather than medical necessity.
The governance challenge posed by CRISPR is immense, given the technology’s accessibility and the divergent ethical frameworks across different cultures and legal systems. A patchwork of national regulations, international declarations, and professional guidelines currently governs gene-editing research, but the lack of a binding global framework leaves significant gaps. The World Health Organization has established a global registry for human genome editing research, but this represents only a first step toward the kind of governance regime that a technology of such transformative potential demands.
40. What distinguished He Jiankui’s experiment from other gene-editing applications?
(A) It was the first successful use of CRISPR in any context. (B) It involved germline editing whose effects would be inherited by future generations. (C) It was conducted with full approval from the global scientific community. (D) It targeted cancer cells rather than genetic diseases.
41. According to the passage, what is the key difference between somatic and germline editing?
(A) Somatic editing is more effective than germline editing. (B) Germline editing is reversible, while somatic editing is permanent. (C) Somatic editing does not affect future generations, while germline editing does. (D) Somatic editing targets only embryos, while germline editing targets adults.
42. The passage mentions “designer babies” primarily to:
(A) endorse the use of gene editing for cosmetic enhancement purposes. (B) illustrate a major ethical concern about non-therapeutic uses of germline editing. (C) describe a current medical practice that CRISPR has made obsolete. (D) argue that parental choice should be the primary consideration in genetic decisions.
43. The author’s characterization of the current governance framework for gene editing suggests that it is:
(A) fully adequate for addressing all ethical concerns. (B) unnecessarily restrictive and stifling scientific progress. (C) fragmented and insufficient given the technology’s transformative potential. (D) focused too narrowly on scientific rather than economic considerations.
Passage 3: The Economics of Attention
In 1971, Nobel laureate Herbert Simon observed that “a wealth of information creates a poverty of attention.” Nearly half a century later, this insight has become the organizing principle of the digital economy. In an era of unlimited content and finite human cognitive capacity, attention has emerged as the scarce resource around which entire industries have been constructed. The business models of the world’s most valuable companies — Google, Meta, TikTok — depend fundamentally on capturing, measuring, and monetizing human attention.
The economics of attention differs in important respects from the economics of traditional goods. Attention is inherently rivalrous: time spent on one platform cannot simultaneously be spent on another. It is also non-fungible: an hour of focused, engaged attention is qualitatively different from an hour of passive, distracted exposure. These properties create structural dynamics that shape the design of digital products and services in ways that are not always aligned with user welfare.
Central to the attention economy is the concept of “engagement” — a metric that measures the depth and duration of user interaction with a platform. Maximizing engagement has become the overriding objective of platform design, giving rise to features such as infinite scroll, autoplay, personalized recommendations, and variable reward schedules that borrow heavily from the psychology of slot machines. The result is an environment meticulously engineered to command attention for as long as possible, regardless of whether that attention serves the user’s genuine interests and intentions.
Critics of the attention economy argue that the relentless competition for engagement produces significant social harms. The algorithmic amplification of emotionally charged and polarizing content — not because it is true or valuable, but because it maximizes engagement — has been implicated in the erosion of democratic discourse, the spread of misinformation, and the exacerbation of political polarization. Meanwhile, the correlation between heavy social media use and deteriorating mental health outcomes among adolescents has become a matter of urgent public concern.
Some scholars have called for a fundamental reorientation of the digital economy around a different metric: time well spent. Under this framework, platforms would be evaluated not by how much time users spend on them, but by whether that time contributes to users’ well-being, relationships, knowledge, and personal growth. The transition from an engagement-based to a well-being-based model would require changes in business incentives, regulatory frameworks, and user expectations. Whether such a transition is feasible within the current structure of digital capitalism remains an open question — but the alternative, critics warn, is an economy that systematically exploits one of the most precious and limited resources human beings possess.
44. According to the passage, Herbert Simon’s observation about the relationship between information and attention suggests that:
(A) more information naturally leads to better decision-making. (B) abundant information makes attention a scarce and valuable resource. (C) attention and information are fundamentally the same economic good. (D) the digital economy has solved the problem of information scarcity.
45. The passage states that attention is “non-fungible.” This means that:
(A) attention cannot be measured using traditional economic tools. (B) different types of attention have qualitatively different value. (C) attention can be easily transferred from one platform to another. (D) the supply of attention is unlimited and growing.
46. According to the passage, how do platform design features like infinite scroll relate to slot machine psychology?
(A) Both demonstrate that users prefer challenging tasks over easy ones. (B) Both employ variable reward schedules to maximize engagement duration. (C) Both have been regulated by government agencies to protect consumers. (D) Both were developed through collaboration between tech companies and casinos.
47. The passage presents “time well spent” as:
(A) the current metric used by most major platforms to evaluate success. (B) a proposed alternative to engagement-based metrics that emphasizes user well-being. (C) an outdated concept that has been replaced by more sophisticated measures. (D) a marketing slogan with no substantive implications for platform design.
Passage 4: The Overton Window and Political Discourse
The “Overton window,” a concept developed by policy analyst Joseph Overton in the mid-1990s, describes the range of ideas that the public is willing to consider as acceptable at a given moment in time. Ideas within the window are considered mainstream and reasonable; those outside it are regarded as radical, extreme, or unthinkable. Crucially, the window is not fixed: it can shift over time as public opinion evolves, expanding to encompass ideas once considered beyond the pale or contracting to exclude positions that were previously uncontroversial.
The mechanism by which the Overton window shifts is the subject of considerable debate among political scientists and communications scholars. One influential account emphasizes the role of political elites and media actors who, by repeatedly introducing and normalizing ideas at the margins of acceptable discourse, gradually expand the boundaries of what is considered discussable. On this view, the Overton window does not shift spontaneously in response to changes in public opinion; rather, it is actively moved by organized actors with strategic objectives.
The concept has gained particular traction in analyses of how formerly fringe political positions have entered the mainstream in various democracies. Issues that were once the province of marginal movements — ranging from trade protectionism to universal basic income to the legalization of cannabis — have, over time, moved from the periphery to the center of political debate. In each case, advocates deliberately and persistently advanced arguments that were initially dismissed as unrealistic or extreme, gradually building credibility and constituencies until the window shifted to accommodate their positions.
Critics of the Overton window framework contend that it oversimplifies the complex dynamics of political discourse. The metaphor of a single “window” implies a unidimensional political spectrum — left to right — that fails to capture the multidimensional nature of political opinion. Moreover, the framework can be misused to suggest that all shifts in the window are the result of deliberate manipulation, ignoring the role of external events — economic crises, wars, technological disruption — in altering what the public perceives as acceptable or necessary.
Despite these limitations, the Overton window remains a useful heuristic for understanding how political possibility is constructed and contested. It reminds us that what seems impossible today may become inevitable tomorrow — and that the boundaries of acceptable discourse are not natural or fixed but are continuously shaped by the interplay of argument, power, and circumstance.
48. According to the passage, the Overton window refers to:
(A) a literal window in the U.S. Capitol building where policy debates occur. (B) the range of political ideas considered acceptable or mainstream at a given time. (C) the time period during which a new policy can be effectively implemented. (D) the gap between what politicians promise and what they actually deliver.
49. The passage suggests that the Overton window shifts primarily through:
(A) spontaneous changes in public opinion without any organized effort. (B) the deliberate actions of political elites and media actors who normalize once-radical ideas. (C) direct democratic votes on controversial policy proposals. (D) academic research that proves certain policies are objectively superior.
50. Which of the following is mentioned as an example of an issue that moved from the fringe to the mainstream?
(A) The abolition of all taxation. (B) The legalization of cannabis. (C) The establishment of a global government. (D) The prohibition of international trade.
51. The author’s overall assessment of the Overton window framework is best described as:
(A) entirely dismissive of its analytical value. (B) uncritically accepting of all its claims. (C) recognizing its usefulness while acknowledging its limitations. (D) arguing that it should replace all other models of political analysis.
Passage 5: Embodied Cognition and the Extended Mind
For much of the twentieth century, cognitive science operated on the assumption that the mind could be understood as a kind of computational software running on the neural hardware of the brain. On this view — known as cognitivism — thinking was essentially a process of manipulating abstract mental representations according to formal rules, and the body served merely as an input-output device that delivered sensory data to the brain and executed its motor commands. The body, in other words, was incidental to cognition, not constitutive of it.
The past three decades have witnessed a sustained challenge to this orthodoxy from researchers working under the banner of “embodied cognition.” According to this emerging paradigm, cognitive processes are fundamentally shaped — not merely implemented — by the body’s structure, its sensorimotor capacities, and its ongoing interaction with the physical and social environment. Thinking, on this account, is not something that happens exclusively inside the head; it is distributed across brain, body, and world.
The empirical case for embodied cognition draws on evidence from multiple domains. In developmental psychology, research has shown that infants’ motor development and their cognitive development are not separate processes but deeply intertwined: the ability to reach for objects, for example, reorganizes infants’ perceptual understanding of space and distance. In neuroscience, the discovery of “mirror neurons” — cells that fire both when an individual performs an action and when they observe another performing the same action — suggests that understanding others’ actions involves simulating them in one’s own motor system. Even abstract thought, embodied cognition researchers argue, is grounded in bodily experience: we speak of “grasping” an idea, “weighing” options, and feeling “close” to someone, reflecting the metaphorical extension of physical concepts into conceptual domains.
The most radical version of the embodied approach is the “extended mind” thesis, advanced by philosophers Andy Clark and David Chalmers. They argue that cognitive processes can literally extend beyond the boundaries of the individual organism to include external tools and resources. When a person reliably uses a notebook, a smartphone, or even language itself as a repository of information that they access and manipulate as part of their cognitive activity, those external resources become, in a functional sense, part of their mind. The mind, on this view, is not bounded by skin and skull.
The implications of embodied and extended cognition are far-reaching. If cognition is fundamentally shaped by bodily experience and environmental interaction, then the project of building disembodied artificial intelligence — intelligence in a box, detached from a physical form and an environment to act upon — may be fundamentally misguided. Intelligence, on this emerging view, is not an abstract computational capacity but an achievement of an organism actively engaged with its world.
52. According to the passage, the traditional cognitivist view of the mind held that:
(A) the body plays a central and constitutive role in cognitive processes. (B) thinking is a computational process that manipulates abstract mental representations. (C) consciousness cannot be explained by reference to physical processes. (D) the mind extends beyond the brain to include tools and the environment.
53. The passage mentions mirror neurons as evidence for:
(A) the superiority of the cognitivist approach to understanding cognition. (B) the idea that understanding others involves embodied motor simulation. (C) the claim that infants learn to think before they learn to move. (D) the argument that language is irrelevant to cognitive development.
54. According to the extended mind thesis as described in the passage:
(A) all cognitive processes are confined within the individual’s brain. (B) external tools like notebooks and smartphones can become part of a person’s cognitive system. (C) artificial intelligence will inevitably surpass human intelligence. (D) the mind is an illusion created by complex neural activity.
55. The passage suggests that the embodied cognition perspective has which implication for artificial intelligence research?
(A) It confirms that disembodied AI is the most promising path to general intelligence. (B) It implies that building intelligence without a physical body interacting with an environment may be fundamentally misguided. (C) It proves that artificial intelligence can never achieve human-level capabilities. (D) It has no implications for AI research whatsoever.
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一、詞彙題
| 題號 | 答案 | 解析 |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | A | facilitate = 促進、推動。貿易協定旨在「促進」經濟合作。obstruct（阻礙）、invalidate（使無效）、terminate（終止）語意相反。 |
| 2 | B | inconclusive = 無確定結果的、不確定的。實驗結果因方法論缺陷被認為「不具確定性」。conclusive（確定性的）語意相反；intrusive（侵入的）、inclusive（包含的）語意不合。 |
| 3 | C | interdisciplinary = 跨學科的。她的「跨學科」理解讓她看見專業研究者未能發現的關聯。superficial（表面的）、rudimentary（基礎的）、fragmented（零碎的）語意相反。 |
| 4 | C | unraveled = 揭露、拆解。記者的報導「揭露」了一個腐敗網絡。concealed/suppressed 皆為「隱瞞」之意；fabricated（捏造）不符。 |
| 5 | B | incompatible = 不相容的。自由意志與決定論被認為「不相容」。compatible（相容）語意相反；synonymous（同義）、analogous（類似的）語意不合。 |
| 6 | B | propelled = 推動、驅動。公司擴張受到策略併購的「推動」。hindered（阻礙）、neutralized（中和）、stagnated（停滯）語意相反。 |
| 7 | A | anachronism = 時代錯置。歷史學家警告不要犯「以今論古」的時代錯置錯誤。chronology（年代學）、synchronism（同期性）、paradigm（典範）語意不合。 |
| 8 | C | ambiguous = 模糊的、不明確的。症狀「模糊不明」，難以確診。specific（明確）、conspicuous（明顯）、definitive（確定的）語意相反。 |
| 9 | D | safeguard = 保障、保護。憲法修正案旨在「保障」個人自由against政府越權。其餘選項皆為「危害、侵害」之意。 |
| 10 | D | refuted = 被駁斥、推翻。理論最終被經驗數據「推翻」。validated/corroborated/substantiated 皆為「證實」之意。 |
二、綜合測驗
| 題號 | 答案 | 解析 |
|---|---|---|
| 11 | A | virtually = 幾乎。在「幾乎」所有健康指標上。scarcely（幾乎不）語意相反。 |
| 12 | B | ladder。社會經濟「階梯」的每一級（the socioeconomic ladder）為固定用法。 |
| 13 | C | scarcity。物質主義解釋強調資源的「稀缺性」。abundance/surplus（豐富）語意相反。 |
| 14 | A | by contrast。與前一觀點「形成對比」，引出社會心理學解釋。 |
| 15 | C | ongoing。兩者的相對貢獻仍是「持續進行中的」辯論。 |
| 16 | A | Nevertheless。前文支持社會心理學帳，此處轉折指出醫療系統的保護作用支持物質主義觀。 |
| 17 | A | concerns。最引人注目的發現「涉及」童年逆境對終身健康的影響。 |
| 18 | B | that。關係代名詞 that，引導子句修飾 inflammatory markers and stress hormones。 |
| 19 | A | translated。社會經驗如何被「轉化」為生理功能障礙。 |
| 20 | A | inevitably。解決健康梯度問題「不可避免地」需要超越醫療系統的干預。 |
三、文意選填
| 題號 | 答案 | 解析 |
|---|---|---|
| 21 | H | colonization。「殖民」火星吸引了越來越多的關注。 |
| 22 | F | proponents。有些「倡導者」主張 30 年內可建立殖民地。 |
| 23 | I | propulsion。最主要的挑戰是「推進」問題：現有化學火箭太慢。 |
| 24 | G | feasibility。驗證太空旅遊「可行性」需要先進推進系統。 |
| 25 | L | logistical。維持殖民地運作的「後勤」挑戰。 |
| 26 | A | exponential。建設成本呈「指數級」增長。 |
| 27 | E | habitable。地球化使火星變成「可居住的」星球。 |
| 28 | D | speculative。遙遠且高度「推測性的」前景。 |
| 29 | J | sustained。「持續」進行中的探測計畫。 |
| 30 | B | unprecedented。這項任務的規模在人類歷史上「前所未有」。 |
多餘選項： (C) advocates、(K) advocates 類干擾項視文章版本而定
最終正確文意選填答案表（重新校對）：
| 題號 | 答案 | 正確選項 |
|---|---|---|
| 21 | H | colonization（殖民） |
| 22 | F | proponents（倡導者） |
| 23 | I | propulsion（推進系統） |
| 24 | G | feasibility（可行性） |
| 25 | L | logistical（後勤的） |
| 26 | A | exponential（指數級的） |
| 27 | E | habitable（可居住的） |
| 28 | D | speculative（推測性的） |
| 29 | J | sustained（持續的） |
| 30 | B | unprecedented（前所未有的——此處指殖民辯論反映了關於人類priorities的「前所未有的」深層問題） |
未使用選項：(C) constraints, (K) advocates（與 proponents 同義，為干擾項）
四、篇章結構
| 題號 | 答案 | 解析 |
|---|---|---|
| 31 | F | 第一段解釋複製危機的定義：大量已發表研究無法被獨立再現。 |
| 32 | C | 第二段指出此危機在心理學領域尤其嚴重，經典實驗複製失敗率極高。 |
| 33 | B | 第三段後半部承接 p-hacking 和發表偏差的討論，指出這些做法「扭曲了科學記錄」。 |
| 34 | D | 第四段分析根本原因：科學職業的激勵機制與科學價值之間的失調。 |
| 35 | A | 第五段指出複製危機對科學教育、資助和公眾溝通具有重大影響。 |
五、閱讀測驗
| 題號 | 答案 | 解析 |
|---|---|---|
| 36 | A | 第一段最後一句明確說明隐私悖论是「stated attitudes and actual behavior」之間的差距。 |
| 37 | D | 文章提出三種解釋：認知限制、結構性因素、集體性損害。年輕世代缺乏興趣未提及。 |
| 38 | B | 第四段以人臉辨識為例說明損害超越個人同意的範圍。 |
| 39 | B | 最後一段的結構「If the problem is…If it is…And if it is…」表明不同診斷導致不同政策處方。 |
| 40 | B | 第二段指出這是首例人類生殖系編輯，基因改變將遺傳給後代。 |
| 41 | C | 第三段明確區分：somatic 不遺傳，germline 遺傳給後代。 |
| 42 | B | 第四段以「設計嬰兒」說明非治療性基因增強的倫理擔憂。 |
| 43 | C | 最後一段描述當前治理架構為「patchwork」且有「significant gaps」，不足夠。 |
| 44 | B | 第一段：資訊豐富導致注意力貧乏，注意力成為稀缺資源。 |
| 45 | B | 第二段舉例說明：「一小時專注的注意力」與「一小時被動的注意力」品質不同。 |
| 46 | B | 第三段：平台功能借鑑吃角子老虎機的「variable reward schedules」。 |
| 47 | B | 最後一段：“time well spent” 是取代以 engagement 為基礎指標的替代方案。 |
| 48 | B | 第一段定義：Overton window 是公眾認為可接受的政治觀點範圍。 |
| 49 | B | 第二段：政治菁英和媒體角色透過持續引入邊緣觀點來推動窗口移動。 |
| 50 | B | 第三段列舉例子，包括 cannabis 合法化。 |
| 51 | C | 文章先說明此框架的用途，然後指出其限制（簡化多維度政治光譜等），最後結論其仍是「有用的啟發法」。 |
| 52 | B | 第一段：「cognitive science operated on the assumption that the mind could be understood as a kind of computational software」 |
| 53 | B | 第三段：鏡像神經元顯示理解他人涉及自身運動系統的模擬。 |
| 54 | B | 第四段：當人可靠地使用外部工具作為認知資源時，這些工具功能上成為心智的一部分。 |
| 55 | B | 最後一段：建立無身體的 AI 可能根本上是錯誤的方向。 |
單字整理（Vocabulary List）
以下 25 個高難度單字選自本模擬試題，附中英文解釋：
| # | Word | Chinese | English Definition |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | facilitate | 促進、推動 | make an action or process easy or easier |
| 2 | inconclusive | 不確定的 | not leading to a firm conclusion or result |
| 3 | interdisciplinary | 跨學科的 | relating to more than one branch of knowledge |
| 4 | unravel | 揭露、拆解 | investigate and solve or explain something complicated |
| 5 | incompatible | 不相容的 | so opposed in character as to be incapable of existing together |
| 6 | propel | 推動、驅動 | drive or push something forward |
| 7 | anachronism | 時代錯置 | a thing belonging to a period other than the one in which it exists |
| 8 | safeguard | 保障、保護 | a measure taken to protect someone or something |
| 9 | refute | 駁斥、推翻 | prove a statement or theory to be wrong or false |
| 10 | gradient | 梯度、漸層變化 | an increase or decrease in the magnitude of a property |
| 11 | virtually | 幾乎、實際上 | nearly; almost |
| 12 | psychosocial | 社會心理的 | relating to the interrelation of social factors and individual thought |
| 13 | colonization | 殖民 | the action of settling among and establishing control over indigenous people |
| 14 | propulsion | 推進系統 | the action of driving or pushing forward |
| 15 | logistical | 後勤的 | relating to the detailed organization and implementation of a complex operation |
| 16 | exponential | 指數級的 | becoming more and more rapid |
| 17 | habitable | 可居住的 | suitable to live in or on |
| 18 | speculative | 推測性的 | engaged in, expressing, or based on conjecture rather than knowledge |
| 19 | terraforming | 地球化改造 | the process of transforming a planet to resemble Earth |
| 20 | replication | 複製、再現 | the action of reproducing something |
| 21 | ubiquitous | 無所不在的 | present, appearing, or found everywhere |
| 22 | germline | 生殖系 | the series of germ cells each descended from earlier cells |
| 23 | somatic | 體細胞的 | relating to the body, especially as distinct from the mind |
| 24 | rivalrous | 競爭性的 | of a good whose consumption prevents simultaneous consumption by another |
| 25 | heuristic | 啟發法 | enabling someone to discover or learn something for themselves |
閱讀文章難度分析
| Passage | 主題 | 字數 | 難度 | Flesch-Kincaid | 特色 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| P1 | 數位隱私悖論 | ~420 | ★★★★☆ | 13.8 | 社會科學論證，多層次因果分析 |
| P2 | 基因編輯 CRISPR | ~430 | ★★★★☆ | 14.2 | 生物倫理學術文體，專業術語密集 |
| P3 | 注意力經濟學 | ~410 | ★★★★☆ | 14.0 | 經濟學與心理學跨領域論述 |
| P4 | 奧弗頓之窗 | ~390 | ★★★☆☆ | 13.2 | 政治學概念，例證豐富 |
| P5 | 體現認知與延伸心智 | ~440 | ★★★★★ | 14.8 | 哲學與認知科學高度學術文本 |
分數估算對照表（Score Estimation Guide）
| 原始分數 | 預估級分 | 程度描述 |
|---|---|---|
| 90-100 | 15（頂標） | 英文能力極佳，可挑戰國內外頂尖大學任何科系 |
| 80-89 | 14-13（前標） | 英文能力優秀，足以應付大學全英文課程 |
| 70-79 | 12-11（均標） | 英文能力良好，有潛力繼續提升至學術英文水準 |
| 60-69 | 10-9（後標） | 基礎扎實但高階詞彙與閱讀推論需加強 |
| 50-59 | 8-7（底標） | 需持續加強詞彙量與閱讀速度 |
| < 50 | 6 以下 | 建議從基礎文法與中級詞彙重新打底 |
時間管理檢查清單（Time Management Checklist）
| 階段 | 時間 | 內容 | 完成打勾 |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | 0-8 min | 詞彙題（10 題）：快速判斷，把握會的，不會的猜完就跳 | [ ] |
| 2 | 8-18 min | 綜合測驗（10 題）：注意上下文線索與邏輯轉折詞 | [ ] |
| 3 | 18-26 min | 文意選填（10 題）：分析詞性、確認語意搭配、排除干擾項 | [ ] |
| 4 | 26-34 min | 篇章結構（5 題）：找出每段主旨句、注意代名詞指涉 | [ ] |
| 5 | 34-68 min | 閱讀測驗（20 題）：先看題目→略讀全文→定位細節→作答 | [ ] |
| 6 | 68-75 min | 檢查：檢討標記的難題，確認沒漏答 | [ ] |
| 7 | 75-80 min | 最後確認：答案卡劃記正確無誤 | [ ] |
威威老師的話： Mock-2 持續維持標準分科難度。這份試卷的主題涵蓋了數位隱私、基因工程、太空殖民、注意力經濟等當代重大議題——這些都是分科測驗的熱門出題方向。你有沒有發現，這些文章不只在考你的英文，也在訓練你的批判思考能力？如果某篇文章讀完後你覺得「學到了新知識」，代表你已經達到學術閱讀的真正目的。繼續保持，Mock-3 的難度將更上一層樓！
本試卷由威威老師命題，僅供教學與個人練習使用。